ICH - 7. The St. Thomas Christian Revolt of 1653

7.1. The Coonan Cross Oath
The revolt of Thomas Christians against Archbishop Garcia and the Jesuits in 1653 Division of the Thomas Christians into Syrian Catholics and Syrian Orthodox came as a result.
7.1.1. Mar Atallah
Archdeacon had sent letters to several of the oriental patriarchs (1648-9) requesting for a bishop. Mar Atallah (Arabic) [Aithalaha-Syriac] in Mylapore in August 1652. [Atallah = Adeodatus or Diodato, was born in 1590. Jacobite, native of Aleppo in Syria, Archbishop of Damascus, Ems and Nicomedia before 1632. He made profession of faith in Aleppo most probably in 1631 and went to Rome before the Holy Office for a second time by the middle of 1632, returned to Syria after 1639; left Syria, proceeded to Babylon and then to Egypt. It was during Atallah’s long years of waiting in Cairo (for the reply from Propaganda) that the letter of archdeacon Thomas reached the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria. The Patriarch invited Atallah to answer the call from Malabar. The Portuguese in India were suspicious of the orthodoxy of all those who came from the West Asia. So Atallah was detained in the Jesuit college at Mylapore to be handed over to the Goan inquisition. The news reached Malabar through some seminarians, who had gone to Mylapore on pilgrimage. They carried a letter of Atallah with them addressed to the St. Thomas Christians. He declared himself to be “Ignatius, patriarch of the whole of India and China” and stated that he had received all powers from the Pope.
7.1.2. The response of the Malabar Syrians
Archdeacon Thomas and his friends were quick to exploit the situation. They published all over Serra the news that a Syrian Patriarch sent to them by Pope in answer to their numerous petitions, had been unjustly imprisoned by the Jesuits. >wildest excitement. A general meeting of the Thomas Christians at Udayamperur requested archbishop Garcia’s help in order to take Mar Atallah to Malabar. But Garcia replied that even if Atallah’s claim to have been sent by the Pope were true, he would not allow him to enter the Serra, since he came without the permission of the king of Portugal. In several places the people rose in rebellion, declaring the Jesuits to be schismatics and heretics, in as much as they held in prison a holy patriarch sent to them by the Pope.
7.1.3. The immediate background
A news was flashed that the fleet in which Atallah was being taken from Mylapore to Goa was approaching Kochi. Archdeacon Thomas + a large number of Cattanars and thousands of armed Christians, moved towards Mattancherry. They spoke to the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Kochi, asking that Atallah be brought before them, to examine his credentials. The authorities in Kochi were in favour, but due to the vehement opposition of Archbishop Garcia, the commander of the fleet decided that the ships should not even enter the channel of Kochi, but remain out side the bar. After two days’ stay, the fleet set sail for Goa. [In 1654 he was sent from Portugal to Rome and on his way he died in Paris.]
7.1.4. Coonan Cross Oath
Seeing the ships sailing away towards the north, the Thomas Christians lost all their hopes. Their resentment towards Garcia and the Jesuits knew no bounds. In their anger they took a solemn oath at Mattanchery renouncing their allegiance to archbishop Garcia. They declared that thereafter they would have nothing to do with the Jesuits, but they would recognize Archdeacon Thomas as the governor of their Church (January 3, 1653). -Difference between the extent contemporary accounts and Malabar tradition regarding the manner of the oath. Contemporary written accounts: they took the oath inside the church of Our Lady at Mattanchery and in front of a crucifix with lightened candles and over the Bible. (APF SOCG vol. 232. ff.120v.-1 Sworn statement of an eyewitness in 1657; ARSI GOS vol.68-II, ff.491-4 sworn statement of six witnesses in 1653; f. 373v. Garcia’s statement in 1656; Goa, vol. 68-I f.102. Sebastaiani, “Prima Speditione, p. 4). Malabar tradition: speaks of a Coonan Cross Oath =a rope was tied to the open air cross that stands in front of the church of Mattancerry, so that all could touch at least that rope when the oath was being made. The documentary evidence and the traditional account can be made to agree. It is most likely that the cattanars and the more important lay leaders took oath inside the church before the crucifix and over the holy gospel as described by the documents. The majority who had to be content with their places in front of the church and around the Coonan Cross might have indulged in some spectacular display of the kind described by the traditional account. The people later on spoke only that and not of the oath made inside the church. The St. Thomas Christians when rejected archbishop Garcia and the Jesuits did not intend to throw off their allegiance to the Pope. It is clear from the manifesto they had issued and exposed in public places; stating that they rejected Garcia and the Jesuits because they disobeyed the Pope and removed from them the Patriarch sent by the Pope. This point also is confirmed by the letter of the cattanars and the people to the captain of Cochin a short while after the rebellion against Garcia. In this letter they declared their readiness to accept as their prelate any religious sent by the Pope, provided he knew Syriac and was not a Jesuit.
7.1.5. The causes of the revolt
The discontent can be easily traced back at least up to the Synod of Diamper. It severed the long standing connection of the Malabar Church with the patriarchate of Chaldea. The Patriarch in question, Simon Denha, was fully in communion with Rome. After this, Latin bishops were imposed on them. Also several of the ceremonies and rites in the sacraments were hastily and unnecessarily changed, in order to bring them more in line with Latin usages. All this caused discontent. The Thomas Christians always remained very much attached to their eastern rite bishops and merely tolerated the government of the Latin bishops. This is clear from the many petitions they wrote to various authorities, in which they pleaded for Syrian bishops. The enthusiasm that followed the announcement of the arrival of Mar Ahtallah also indicates clearly this attachment. It was also natural that most of the odium of the new and unwanted arrangements should fall on the Jesuits and their archbishops. More than that they were the ones who took the place of the ousted Syrian bishops. Under such circumstances, acts of imprudence from their part, which were unfortunately not lacking, aggravated the situation. The most disastrous of these was the attempt of the Jesuit archbishops, particularly Roz and Garcia, to eliminate the authority and the special position of the archdeacon, which he held for centuries in Malabar. Secondary causes that lead to the rebellion: 1. the persistence with which the Jesuit archbishops excluded all the other religious families from Malabar. This policy caused considerable ill feeling. Of course, the other religious were not better prepared than the Jesuits to change the basic, anti-oriental policy of the Padroado. In fact, the Jesuits were the most broadminded of the missionaries of those days. 2. The character of the archbishop Garcia and of archdeacon Thomas played an important role in bringing about the rebellion. 3. A rebellion of the proportions of that of 1653 would not have occurred but for the arrival of Mar Atallah.
7.1.6. Archdeacon as “bishop”
About a month later, during the munnu noyambu celebrations at Edappilly, archdeacon Thomas was once again acclaimed by the assembled crowds as the governor of the archdiocese. They appointed four prominent priests: Parampil Chandy of Kuravingadu, Vengoor George of Agapparampu, Kadavil Chandy of Kaduthuruthy and Anjilimoottil Ittithomman of Kallicherry as his councilors. On May 22, 1653, archdeacon Thomas was “ordained” bishop by twelve priests on the strength of a letter claimed to have been sent by Mar Atallah. It was actually a forgery made by Cattanar Anjilimoottil Ittithomman. (For evidences, cfr. Fr. Thekkedath, troubled days of Francis Garcia.) After the ceremony, letters were sent to all the churches of the St. Thomas Christians, asking them to recognize Thomas Parampil as their legitimate archbishop. Except the Southist churches of Kaduthuruthy and Udayamperur all did so. Even in these churches some stood for the archdeacon. There was only a very insignificant minority that remained faithful to Garcia
7.1.7. The efforts to restore union.
The revolt against Garcia and Jesuits was so passionate and so thorough that for a long time the Jesuits could not even think of any direct negotiations with them. Hence Garcia appealed to the Portuguese viceroy for help. The viceroy replied that the state was not in a position to use force. He suggested Garcia to send some other religious to Malabar, to prevent the Syrians from becoming schismatics. Garcia rejected this suggestion and sent his secretary, Fr. De Magistris, to Europe to plead his case before the king of Portugal and before the Pope. Mean time, the inquisition of Goa sent two commissaries to Malabar to negotiate with the archdeacon. Fr. John Rangel, the first of these commissaries was in Kerala from 1654 and 1655. He could not do anything as he was suspected to be partisans of Garcia and Jesuits. Fr. John de Lisboa O.P. was the second. He was given clear instructions to avoid contacts with the archbishop and the Jesuits. He succeeded in contacting the archdeacon and persuaded the archdeacon to cease acting as a bishop and write to the inquisition, expressing regret for what had happened. Thomas was given to understand that, the commissary would write to Goa, requesting the inquisitors to recommend to Rome Thomas himself as the archbishop of Malabar. On 30 June 1656 archdeacon Thomas wrote to the inquisitors of Goa saying that he had been misled by he letter of Atallah and asked pardon for any fault which he and his followers might have committed out of ignorance. He concluded with the request for the appointment of a non-Jesuit governor for Malabar. The inquisitors convened a meeting of the highest civil and ecclesiastical authorities of Goa. The majority recommended that Garcia be asked to appoint a governor, as desired by the archdeacon. Garcia agreed to do this, but declined to reinstate Thomas as archdeacon. All of a sudden, Thomas broke his promise to the commissary and began to give minor orders to some clerics.
7.2. The advent of Propaganda Fide
The total failure of the Goan inquisitors to pacify the Serra convinced them that the only hope of remedy lay in a direct intervention by Rome. Hence they decided to give their whole hearted support to the apostolic commissary, Fr. Joseph of St. Mary OCD (Sebestiani) who reached India at about this time. This direct intervention of Rome was decided when the Holy See was informed in 1655 of the sad situation of the St. Thomas Christians. Since the archdeacon’s letters to the Holy see in 1647 and 1649 had expressed special esteem for the OCD, the Propaganda decided that the task of pacifying Malabar should be entrusted to them. Two groups of Carmelites were ordered to proceed to Kerala. Fr. Hyacinth of St. Vincent and his companion were to reach India via Lisbon and Sebestiani and his group were to make their way to Malabar via Syria and Iraq.
7.2.1. Msgr. Sebastiani OCD
Sebestiani and his companions reached Kerala early 1657. The archdeacon did his maximum to hinder the work of Sebestiani. But Sebestiani was fortunate in securing the whole hearted support Chandy Parampil Cattanar, the vicar of Kuravilangad and one of the most prominent priests of the archdiocese. The political and the military situation on the Malabar coast also worked in favour of the papal commissary. The Portuguese had just lost Ceylon to the Dutch and the latter was now preparing to attack the Portuguese strongholds on the Malabar and Coromandal coasts. At this juncture, the Portuguese authorities in Kochi realized the necessity of pacifying the martial St. Thomas Christians and of binding them closely. They were, therefore, ready to welcome the efforts of anyone, even of a non-Portuguese commissary.
Sebestiani was able to convoke general meetings at Edappilly, Muttam, Mattancherry and Alangad. In these meetings the assembled Cattanars and Christians acknowledged the authority of Sebestiani as the representative of the Pope and recognized the invalidity of the Episcopal ordination of the archdeacon. Though they [thirty churches] were ready to abandon the archdeacon, they were not ready to place themselves under Garcia. Sebestiani left for Rome on January 7, 1658, to submit his report, leaving behind Fr. Mathew of St. Joseph as his delegate. Two months after the departure of Sebestiani, Fr. Hyacinth reached Malabar (March 10). During this interval, archdeacon Thomas managed to get himself declared a patriarch. On the last day of the feast of moonu noyambu at Edappilly, Thomas produced before the assembled crowds a sealed letter which, he declared, has he had received from Atallah. It said that Atallah was authorized by the Pope to make the archdeacon a patriarch, in case Atallah happened to die. The Pope had also sent a Pallium for the new patriarch. Amidst thunderous applauses the archdeacon was forthwith declared a patriarch.
Fr. Hyacinth was friendly towards Garcia and the Jesuits, but had to change his attitude for fear that he might otherwise lose even those churches that had abandoned the archdeacdon at the time of Sebestiani. Archbishop Garcia died on September 3, 1659. His death removed from the scene one of the major obstacles to reunion. Archdeacon Thomas and his counselor Cattanar Ittithomman devised a new trick to deceive the simple people and to prevent them from deserting their party. An Armenian or Syrian merchant called Stephan had reached Cochin in June 1659 to by pepper and spices. A little after the death of Garcia, Stephen was promised a large sum of money by the archdeacon. He was asked to present himself as the nephew of the newly elected Pope. Stephan was expected to declare that he had been sent by his uncle to deliver to Thomas Parampil a brief which confirmed Thomas as archbishop and Patriarch of the Thomas Christians, which he did. Fr.Hyacint died in 1661 and Sebestiani returned to Malabar as bishop. He was consecrated in Rome in December 1659 and was given very wide powers to enable him to solve the problems on the spot as they arose. He reached on May 14, 1661.
7.2.2. Mar Chandy Parambil
With the help of the Portuguese general, Sebestiani obtained the submission of several churches in the kingdom of Cochin. An attempt made on October 9, 1661 to capture the archdeacon and cattanar Ittithomman and thus to end schism, failed. The two managed to escape, disguised as Hindu soldiers. Sebastiani’s work was interrupted by the capture of Cochin by the Dutch, on January 7, 1663. The Dutch ordered all except Dutch missionaries to quit their territory. Hence Sebestiani decided to confer Episcopal ordination on Cattanar Chandy (Alexander) Parambil. He was a cousin of Archdeacon Thomas and one of the most prominent among the Cattanars. He had abandoned the archdeacon as soon as he was aware of the untenability of the position of Archdeacon. He worked hard along with the papal commissaries. His Episcopal ordination took place on 1st February 1663. Archdeacon Thomas and Anjilimoottil Ittithomman were then solemnly excommunicated by Sebestiani. Before leaving Malabar Sebastiani also obtained as assurance from the Dutch general that they would favour bishop Chandy and not the archdeacon. They kept their word for some time and bishop Chandy was able to continue the work of reunion.
More and more Cattanars and Christians made their submission to him. He had a clear advantage over his rival inasmuch as the validity of his Episcopal consecration was beyond doubt, while that of Thomas was being called into question by an increasing number of people. Thomas (Mar Thoma I) was so discouraged by all this and by the apparent indifference of several eastern patriarchs to his urgent appeal for bishops. Towards the end of 1665 he made the astonishing decision of entering into negotiation with the Jesuits. Jesuits were then settled in Ambazhakad, after the Dutch conquest of Cochin. He expressed his desire to submit to the Catholic Church, provided it would be effected without loss of honour and without humiliation. There were good reasons to believe that the divisions among the St. Thomas Christians might finally come to an end.
7.2.3. Arrival of Mar Gregorios
Suddenly flashed the news of the arrival of a Syrian prelate Mar Gregorios who had landed at Kozhikode. (sent by the Antiochian patriarch at the request of Mar Thoma I). He then changed the mind and made all arrangements for the reception of Mar Gregorios. One can legitimately say that the permanent division of the Thomas Christians into Puthenkur and Pazhayakur became a reality with the advent of Mar Gregorios. Many of the people still believed that Mar Gregorios was sent by the Pope. When his new way of celebrating mass caused dissatisfaction and grumbling among the priests and the people, Mar Thoma I persuaded him to use the local rite, which he did, refusing only to use unleavened bread. Mar Gregorios then proceeded to restore some of the usages of the old Syrian customs which had been abolished by the Synod of Diamper (traditional vestments and old calendar). Slowly he succeeded to create among the followers of Mar Thoma I a general antipathy against the Catholics. He denounced the obligatory celibacy of priests. Mar Gregorios died on 24th April 1671 and Mar Thoma I followed him to the grave on 22 April 1763. It is claimed that Mar Gregorios gave Mar Thoma I valid Episcopal consecration. On the death of Mar Thoma I, his brother, a former member of the Congregation of St. Thomas, took his place and conducted the burial of the deceased, in pontifical vestments. Within six days he too had a sudden death. His nephew and successor, Mar Thoma II ruled his people up to 1686. Around the year 1680, he tried to effect a reunion on condition that the Carmelites should bring about his appointment as a bishop by Rome. The Carmelites offered to make him the archdeacon of the entire Thomas Christian community. It would seem that, Thomas was willing to consider this offer, but was spoiled by Bishop Chandy who intervened in order to maintain in office Mathew, his nephew, whom he had appointed archdeacon of the Catholic group in 1678. 1n 1685 two Antiochian Syrian prelates, Mar Basilios and Mar Ivanios were sent to Kerala by the Patriarch. When mar Thomas II died in 1686, his followers chose his nephew Mar Thoma III as his successor and after two years he was succeeded by Mar Thoma IV. Mar Thoma IV and the other leaders of this group appear to have accepted the doctrines of the Antiochian Syrians presented by Mar Ivanios. (+1693)
7.2.4. Msgr. Raphael de Figueredo Salago (Propaganda)
In 1673, Fr. Mathew of St. Joseph won the friendship of the Dutch commandant of Cochin. He granted that four or five Italian Carmelites might go to help Bishop Chandy. At the same time he made it clear that the Dutch authorities would not allow any European to rule the Thomas Christians. In 1675 Propaganda decided to send four Carmelites to India and ordered them to elect a suitable native coadjutor and future successor to Bishop Chandy who was getting old. [Fr. Georgeof Muttam Parish vs Fr. Mathew nephew of Mar Chandy]. On March 3, 1677 they elected a certain Fr. Raphael de Figueredo Salago, who was born of Portuguese parents, but born at Cochin. At the time of election he was vicar general of the diocese of Cochin. This appointment caused very serious disappointment and discontent among the Catholic Thomas Christians. Even bishop Castro of Canara who consecrated him and other foreign missionaries felt that the election had been precipitous (rushed) and imprudent. Figueredo felt the need of retiring to Goa and remaining there for about a year in order to give time for the disturbance to calm down. In these circumstances Mar Chandy appointed his nephew Fr. Mathew Pallil archdeacon. When Figueredo returned from Goa, bishop Chandy declared that he was ready to hand over to him the government of the archdiocese, provided he would accept the archdeacon, pay him his salary and agree to act on the advice of the archdeacon. He resided at the church of Pala and the administration of the archdiocese was in the hands of the archdeacon and of Fr. Mathew of St. Joseph OCD. The Carmelites (four newly arrived ones) tried to get rid of Fr. Mathew and the archdeacon. They accused archdeacon to Rome of several irregularities. Meantime they persuaded Chandy to allow Figueredo to govern the archdiocese, telling him that Figueredo would behave better when the responsibility of government would be given to him. But Figueredo disappointed everyone. He disobeyed Mar Chandy and caused immense grief to the Carmelites who had elected him. Hence from 1684, the Carmelites supported Mar Chandy and archdeacon Mathew and sent to Rome numerous complaints against Bishop Figueredo. On the death of Mar Chandy in 1687, Bishop Figueredo succeeded him as vicar apostolic. As a result of repeated complaints, Rome ordered bishop Custodio de Pinho, vicar apostolic of Great Mughal, to go over to Malabar and make a report. Figueredo was found guilty of simony and neglect of pastoral care of the people. As a result of the report, Rome suspended Figueredo in January 1694 and asked Custodio de Pinho to take his place. Figueredo died at Pallipuram in October 1695 before the execution of the order of suspension. De Pinho being old and sickly did not go to Malabar and died in 1697. There was no bishop in Malabar until 1701.
7.2.5. Msgr. Angelus Francis of St. Theresa (Propaganda)
Since the Dutch authorities did not allow any foreign prelates in their territory, the Padroado sees were vacant. As a result of an agreement in April 1698, the Dutch allowed the Holy See to send to Malabar a Carmelite bishop and some Carmelite missionaries, provided they were Belgians, Germans or Italians. In 1700 Holy See appointed Fr. Angelo Francis of St. Theresa as vicar apostolic of Malabar. He was to govern the archdiocese of Cranganore and the diocese of Cochin until the prelates of these could be personally present in their sees. Because of the refusal of the Padroado bishops to ordain him, he received Episcopal consecration from Mar Simon of Ada, a Catholic East Syrian. [With Angelo Francis there began the long line of Carmelite vicars apostolic, who ruled over the majority of the Catholic Thomas Christians until 1887. ] Simon Ada came to India (Surat) with the intention of helping the Thomas Christians. He reached Varapuzha accompanied by Franciscans. Angelus Francis was ordained in Alangad on 22 may 1701. In order to prevent Simon from intervening in the affairs of the Thomas Christians, he was forced to board a ship bound for Pondicherry where he stayed till his death on August 16, 1720.
7.2.6. Msgr. John Ribeiro s.j. (Padroado)
The see of Kodungalloor which had remained vacant for 42 years was filled by a Portuguese Jesuit, John Ribeiro about six months after the consecration of Angelus Francis. He was rector of Ambazhakad seminary. Not all St. Thomas Christians wanted to be under Kodungalloor under Jesuits. In 1701, on hearing the restoration of Kodungalloor, Manarkad and Puthupalli churches left Catholic fold and joined Mar Thoma IV. Owing to the conflicting claims of the prelates, (Padroado and Propaganda) a general assembly of the Thomas Christians was held at Kaduthuruthy from June 20, 1704. The archdeacon presided over it. The delegates of about forty churches fully backed the vicar apostolic. Yet, Angelus Francis declared the assembly that he ceased functioning as their bishop because there was a new archbishop at Kodungalloor. With in two months, archdeacon joined Ribeiro. The Dutch opposition against the Padroado prelates was so strong that Ribeiro was forced to leave Chalakudy and take refuge at Pazhur under the Samuthiri’s protection. Archdeacon Mathew Pallil shifted his loyalty back to Vicar Apostolic Angelo Francis in 1705 and died on march 10, 1706 without any successor. In 1709, eight priests were deputed by the general assembly of some 20 southern churches to request Ribeiro to let the vicar apostolic exercise his authority whenever the archbishop could not, to avoid outsiders benefit from the situation. Ribeiro did not heed the representation. Finally in 1709 (March 13) Pope Clement XI confirmed the authority of Angelo Francis as vicar apostolic within his ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The cardinal prefect of Propaganda (May 4, 1709) sent a letter urging the vicar apostolic to do his utmost to re-unite all dissident Christians. When the two Roman documents were shown to the archbishop, he at once accepted the Roman decisions. Thus the problems subsided. Angelus Francis died in October 1712 and Ribeiro four years later. The new vicar apostolic was installed on May 1, 1718 and the new archbishop was enthroned on May 24, 1722. Thus the double jurisdiction among the St. Thomas Christians continued. This abnormal state of affairs was perforce tolerated by Rome, but the Roman authorities expected both the bishops to work together. Often they did not. Kodungalloor sought to bring more churches under its wings against the wishes of the vicariate. In 1725, thirty churches of the St. Thomas Christians came under the archbishop while there were forty under the vicar apostolic. The Carmelites strongly opposed the encroachments of Kodungalloor. They did not have sufficient members to get a coadjutor appointed in time for a smooth succession. By the decision taken in 1774 that ten Carmelites should be always available in Kerala, Rome thought to remedy this deficiency.
7.2.7. The suppression of Jesuits
Meanwhile in Kodungalloor(Ad), the Jesuits lived in harmony with the people. In 1759, the Jesuits were suppressed by the government of Portugal. The Jesuits in Goa were rounded up and sent forcibly to Portugal. (Universal suppression of the Jesuits in 1773). Archbishop Pimentel had two Jesuit successors: John Louis Vasconcellos +1758 and Salvador dos Reis +1777. Suppression of the Jesuits had a good effect on the Thomas Christians. It helped both the clergy and the laity of the archdiocese to become more self reliant with a greater spirit of initiative. (Paremmakal)
7.2.8. Tension increasing
Two specific events hastened the on-going tension among the St. Thomas Christians to the brink of a revolt. On the occasion of bishop Florence’s death (July 26,1773) the leading diocesan priests wanted to carry the bier, which they considered as their right. The Carmelites bluntly denied this honor and carried the bier themselves to the great humiliation of all concerned. The second event was that the vicar of the Edappilly church [Ikkako Cattanar] was accused of having stolen a sacred vessel. Leading the accusation was Fr. Francis Sales, the future vicar apostolic. The vicar was taken forcibly to Varapuzha, shut up in a room, beaten up, tortured and finally was starved to death. Though this case was partly invented by the enemies of the Carmelites, certainly some misdeeds were committed by them to the ill-repute of the local clergy. By these events the Carmelites had terribly offended the deepest sentiments of the Thomas Christians.
On August 20, 1773, a general assembly was convoked at Angamali. All the priests and one or two lay representatives from each of the 45 parishes were present. The atmosphere was charged with a revolutionary spirit and everybody wanted to break all foreign connections. Eventually negotiations with the Syrian Orthodox were to start, so as to gather all Thomas Christians into a single fold. Two Carmelites led by Lawrence Giustiniani the then apostolic visitor joined the assembly. They managed to soothe their anger by making six concessions: 1.Only St. Thomas Christians would be allowed to carry the bier of a defunct bishop and the reliquaries in procession; 2. No punishment could be inflicted on any St. Thomas Christian priest without prior consent of the clergy; 3. No Latin cleric should be ordained with the Syrian Ordinal; 4. All affairs of the Thomas Christians had to be settled by themselves; 5. No St. Thomas Christian should be required to mix freely with the Latins; 6. A separate seminary for the St. Thomas clerics must be opened. Francis Sales who had then gone to Europe, was elected as the vicar apostolic of Malabar and reached Malabar in October 1775 amidst problems. His own confreres were divided among themselves. They sent a delegate to Rome demanding the recalling of the vicar apostolic. It became impossible for him to stay on at Varapuzha. Joseph Kariattil who was a professor at the seminary invited Francis Sales to his own parish of Alangad and Francis Sales went to Alangad. On February 17, 1776 the general assembly meeting at Alangad declared its total loyalty to him.
7.2.9. General Assembly at Alangad
The general assembly at Alangad February 17, 1776 decided to send a mission to Rome and Lisbon. Joseph Kariattil from Propaganda side and Thomas Paremmakkal from Padroado were selected for the mission. Joseph Kariattil was born at Alangad on May 5, 1742, left for Rome in 1754 where he completed all ecclesiastical studies. He returned home in 1766. He was teaching at the Alangad seminary. Paremmakkal belonged to the Kadanatt parish, born on 10 September 1736. He was already known to be a versatile priest with much pastoral experience. Varthamanapusthakam, the first travelogue in Malayalam.
7.3. The Kariattil-Paremmackal Delegation
[They embarked on a Portuguese ship on November 14, 1778, via cape of Good Hope reached Bahia in Brazil on April 3, 1779 and reached Lisbon on July 18, 1779.] They had a very precise mission to solve the case of Mar Thoma VI (Mar Dionysios I), the Syrian Orthodox bishop. He was very desirous of reunion though not encouraged by the Carmelites. There mission was on the other hand very vague, since they were asked to procure whatever benefits possible for the welfare of the Thomas Christians. They left for Mylapore and boarded there a Portuguese ship bound for Lisbon. They landed in the Portuguese capital on July 18, 1779 and stayed there for more than three months. They had also two boys with them to be admitted into the Propaganda College.
7.3.1. Kariattil & Paremmackal in Lisbon
In Lisbon Kariattil and Paremmakkal met a Goan priest, Cajetan de Faria whose ambition was to become the archbishop of Goa. They soon suspected him of promoting another Goan to be the archbishop of Kodungalloor. After prolonged uncertainty due to Faria’a intrigues (machination, maneuvering, plotting, scheming) the two delegates submitted to Queen Mary, the ruler of Portugal, a petition with six requests including a request to nominate a worthy Portuguese to the archiepiscopal see of Kodungalloor, to revive the office of the archdeacon (called vicar general in the test), to reopen the seminary (Ambazhakkad, which was closed because there was no Jesuits to run it) and to extend all possible help to Mar Thoma VI, who was ready to join the Catholic Church with his 50,000 strong clergy and faithful.
7.3.2. Kariattil & Paremmackal in Rome
After the visit to Portugal, Kariattil and Paremmakkal with the two boys left for Rome via Genoa on November 4, 1779.. They reached Rome on January 3, 1780 and stayed there for nearly six months. They were not received by the Propaganda authorities as warmly as they had expected. Cardinal Castelli, the prefect of PF was rather reserved and cold. His successor, Antonelli was more sympathetic and understanding. The secretary Msgr. Stephan Borgia who was a known humanist and orientalist, was more ready to accept the Indian delegation, but could do little to foster their mission. The Congregation had become prejudiced against the Thomas Christians. Unfaithful to their own principles, the PF authorities were reluctant to recognize the claims of a community which had been autonomous and self reliant for hundreds of years before the arrival of westerners. Much of the opposition shown to the two envoys by the Roman authorities was the result of the letters sent by the Carmelites. The main aim of their visit to Rome was to settle the reunion with Mar Thoma VI. They brought with them a letter of Mar Dionysios’ petition to the Pope and profession of faith. (APF) To them it seemed that this important affair was deliberately delayed. They did not know that Rome had already acted and asked the bishop of Kochi to receive Mar Thoma VI in to Catholic Church. The powers given to bishop of Kochi were mostly those suggested in the memorandum of the delegates to the Propaganda Fide. (The hoped for reunion did not take place.) They also presented in Rome other pressing needs. They requested the Pope to give necessary permission to the archbishop of Kodungalloor to hold a provincial synod, to send a letter to all the Malabar Christians to keep unity and charity; to provide ten seats for Malabar seminarians of all communities in Propaganda College, to reorganize the Varapuzha seminary under the direction of two Malabar priests, to supply those seminarians with copies of the Holy Scriptures in Syriac and with Syriac prayer books, to write a letter to the rajas of Kochi and Thiruvithamcore that the Christians should be cared for, to see that the Carmelites behaved with propriety, modesty and purity, avoiding all selfishness. It is at that time John of St Margaret was appointed as the vicar apostolic of Malabar. He was known to be hostile to the St. Thomas Christians. Kariattil met the Portuguese ambassador and even Pope Pius VI and succeeded in getting cancelled the appointment.
7.3.3. Kariattil Nominated Archbishop of Kodungalloor
Due to their many contacts with prominent figures in Rome, their renewed pleading on their petition already presented to the queen met with success. Otherwise they might have yielded to the temptation to request the Catholic Chaldean Patriarch of Diarbakar (South Turkey), to send them a bishop. They left Rome for Lisbon on June 20, 1780. To their own surprise, Kariattil was nominated archbishop of Kodungalloor by Queen Mary on 16th July 1782 in keeping with the Padroado privileges. There was again attempts to bring Kodungalloor under Goa. But Kariattil was confirmed by the Pope and was granted the Pallium on 16th December 1782. Thomas Paremmakkal in a letter of March 1783 conveyed to the St. Thomas Christians all the information regarding the new archbishop of Malabar Church. It took two years and a half before Kariattil and Paremmakkal left for India. The delay was caused by some influential Portuguese, who resented the nomination of an Indian, still more an Oriental, to a Padroado See, reserved for the Portuguese. The Carmelites in Malabar including the bishop of Kochi, a Portuguese Carmelite, tried their best to prejudice both Rome and Portugal against Kariattil. They felt strongly that no Indian should be made a bishop and if that mistake had been made, the Indian bishop must be prevented from ruling his diocese. If Kariattil succeeded in reaching his diocese, all the St. Thomas Christians would follow him and the Carmelites would have no other choice but to leave.
7.3.4. Mar Kariattil’s Death
Kariattil and Paremmackal at last boarded a Portuguese merchant ship on April 20, 1785. They landed at Goa after a year on May 1, 1786 and archbishop of Goa received them cordially. They were to travel to Malabar in September after the monsoon. After nearly a month of severe gastric fever Kariattil expired on September 19, 1786. According to some documents (Paulinus ocd’s diary) the fever was caused by fruit poisoning. He was solemnly buried in the choir of the Old Goa Cathedral. His remains were brought to Alangad in April 1961 to be re-intered in his own parish church. It was tragic end of a journey full of promise for the St. Thomas Christians. All the hopes entertained for years had been dashed. It was a terrible blow for the Church in Malabar.
7.3.5. Thomas Paremmackal Gubernador
Thomas Paremmackal was nominated administrator of Kodungalloor by archbishop of Goa on September 21, 1786 and reached Malabar after three months. He landed in Kochi. A portrait of Mar Kariattil was taken in procession from Alangad to Angamali which was followed by a general Assembly of the Thomas Christians. Strong anti-Carmelite sentiments were unleashed. (let loose, set free).
7.3.5.1. Angamali Padiyola
The Angamali assembly, inspired by Paremmackal and Thachil Mathootharakan published a padiyola, or a decree. It contained the solemn oath, sworn and signed by the chief delegates, not to accept any foreign and Latin prelate any more. It also demanded the election of Thomas Paremmackal as the archbishop of Kodungalloor. If this was not implemented they stated that they would approach the Catholic Chaldean Patriarch. Petitions were sent to the queen in Lisbon and to the Pope Pius VI. They also wanted to revive the office of archdeacon under the guise (appearance) of a dean with a chapter of twelve canons.
Nearly all the Catholic St. Thomas Christians accepted Paremmackal as their prelate. The vicariate under Carmelites lost practically all its parishes in the east. The definite anti-Carmelite stand taken by Angamali general assembly provoked the Carmelites. They decided to clear themselves before the Thiruvithamcore court. Paremmackal and St. Thomas Christians were accused as having concocted a letter supposedly written by the Carmelites, filled with anti-Syrian utterances. They succeeded in having their case decided in their favour (thanks to the ability of Paulinus of St. Bartholomew). The Catholic St. Thomas Christians had to pay a fine of Rs. 24000. The state of tension between the Carmelites and the St. Thomas Christians continued.
7.3.6. Thachil Mathootharakan
From Kuthiathodu. He contributed substantially for the Rome-Lisbon journey of Kariattil and Paremmackal. Tharakan was behind the drafting of Angamali padiola. In the reunion efforts of Mar Dionysius I, Mathootharakan did all he could.